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The Report of the Iraq Inquiry
and undertook “to accord UNSCOM and the IAEA immediate, unconditional and
unrestricted access”.
456.  The MOU contained details of special procedures for the inspection of the
eight Presidential sites, including having diplomats, not just technical experts, in the
inspection teams.187
457.  Mr Annan wrote that Secretary Albright had travelled to New York on 22 February
to set out “red lines” before he left for Baghdad. He had “had to remind her” of his role
and that, as Secretary-General, he was “answerable to 191 other Member States” and
that it was his “duty to seek peaceful resolution of disputes”. His objective had been to
give Saddam Hussein a ladder to climb down so that inspections could resume.
458.  Mr Annan wrote that he considered it “critical” that Iraq was “given a sense of light
at the end of the tunnel” as an incentive to co-operate with an inspections regime that
required “a degree of scrutiny without precedent”, and that the talk in Washington of
never lifting sanctions was not helpful:
“The United States and its allies were entitled to state this position as a matter
of national interest. However, they could not expect to have a United Nations
committed to the peaceful disarmament of Iraq to simply play along. Nor could they
have been unaware that this gave Saddam the excuse to tell the rest of the world
that the game was fixed no matter what he did. We need the inspections to work
toward resolving the ongoing crisis in Iraq. Until then, the Gulf War would not truly
be over.”
459.  In a statement to the House of Commons on 24 February, Mr Blair said the
UN inspectors had found and destroyed “horrific amounts of chemical and biological
weapons … despite systematic obstruction, deceit and concealment by Saddam
Hussein”. The crisis over access to Presidential palaces had “not been an artificial
argument about some theoretical threat, but a reflection of real alarm … about the use
of those sites to conceal both evidence and actual weapons”.188
460.  Mr Blair added:
“We should never forget that if we do not stop Saddam Hussein acting in breach
of his agreement on weapons of mass destruction, the losers will not just be those
threatened by him, but the authority and standing of the UN itself …”189
461.  In Mr Blair’s view, “nothing else” apart from “effective diplomacy and firm
willingness to use force” would have changed Saddam Hussein’s mind and produced
a signed agreement with the UN:
187  Annan K. Interventions: A Life In War And Peace. Allen Lane, 2012.
188  House of Commons, Official Report, 24 February 1998, column 173.
189  House of Commons, Official Report, 24 February 1998, column 174.
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