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The Report of the Iraq Inquiry
UK future posture that can be perceived as leaving Iran in a stronger position will not
be welcomed.”
966.  On 6 April, Mr Prentice attended the MCNS, which was told that in Basra the
situation was “stable with the ISF fully able to control the situation”.478 The main priority
now was finding civilian employment for 25,000 unemployed. Acting Justice Minister
Dr Safa al-Safi had been appointed to co-ordinate the Iraqi Government’s economic
efforts in Basra.
967.  The main concern on the horizon was the protest in Baghdad planned by
Muqtada al-Sadr for later in the week.
968.  Dr Rubaie believed that agreement had been reached to confine the demonstration
to Sadr City and to ensure that it would have no “inappropriate slogans/banners”. The
ISF would work hard to protect the crowds from attack but also to control any violence
from within the crowds. In the event, Muqtada al-Sadr called off the protest.479
969.  On 7 April, a government official working closely with the military in Basra sent a
“snapshot” of the area to London. The official reported that the “Basra landscape has, in
the space of two weeks, changed dramatically.”480 Prime Minister Maliki was reported to
have “loudly blamed the British for treating with the JAM ‘criminals’ and, hence, handing
Basra over to them”.
970.  The official argued that the “unsatisfactory” performance of the ISF in the initial
offensive of the Charge of the Knights was a “vindication” of the objective to negotiate
reduced levels of violence:
“Within four days the Al-Maliki offensive had brutally exposed the inadequacies of
the ISF, united the Sadrist militias that we strove for so long to divide, and restored
JAM military prowess and morale … to excellent health.”
971.  A meeting attended only by UK staff had discussed the future of the
accommodation negotiated with JAM1. The official reported that they told the meeting
it had “been a child of its time”:
“It was not dead (indeed JAM seemed keen to keep it alive and had sent warm
greetings … that morning) but its influence over British operational policy should
be proportional to its fundamental usefulness. [JAM1] was on the run and the
ISF, backed by MNF, were back at war with JAM. But – it was still both a potential
weapon and an insurance policy. Essentially we should exploit it but not be
restricted by it.”
478  eGram 13078/08 Baghdad to FCO London, 7 April 2008, ‘Iraq: Ministerial Committee on National
Security, 06 April 2008’.
479  Email FCO [junior official] to Prentice, 9 April 2008, ‘Call on NSA Rubaie, 8 April’.
480  Email government official working closely with the military, 7 April 2008, ‘Basrah: A Snapshot’.
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