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The Report of the Iraq Inquiry
91.  The paper said that there was “no coalition-agreed blueprint” for how long the
post-PIC “overwatch” phase should last, observing: “The US has not addressed this in
earnest, in part because they see themselves maintaining a significant military presence
in Iraq for years to come (and tend to assume we will do likewise).”
92.  The paper continued:
“But … we already face a clear trend toward diminishing returns from our efforts in
Southern Iraq across the board. This is bound to accelerate when we withdraw from
Basra City …
“So we do not believe the ‘overwatch’ period in Southern Iraq should be envisaged
as lasting more than a matter of months from the date of PIC in Basra …
“Our planning should assume that the UK civilian presence in Basra will have to
be wound up shortly before the removal of the UK military envelope which enables
it to operate (though if the US were to decide to move a military presence of their
own to Basra Air Station, and to retain a US civilian presence, we could expect US
pressure for us to maintain some sort of ongoing commitment to the Basra Provincial
Reconstruction Team).”
93.  The paper recommended early engagement with the US on a renewed political
strategy, including a “change of Iraqi Government” and setting a date for coalition troop
withdrawal.
94.  In the longer term, the FCO and the MOD suggested that the UK would need to
examine its “core interests in Iraq … the assets at our disposal, and the likely major
ongoing US commitment”. Those core interests were likely to be:
preventing AQ from establishing a base in Iraq from which to attack UK interests;
maintaining Iraq’s territorial integrity and deterring intervention by its neighbours;
and
preserving the stability of the region, and preventing disruption to energy
supplies.
95.  The paper argued for “a long-term UK commitment in Iraq”, which might include:
niche contributions to the US-led fight against AQ-I or in conducting air strike
operations;
supporting the Iraqi Navy in ensuring the security of the Northern Gulf and the
protection of key Iraqi oil infrastructure;
influencing the Iraqi Government and supporting the long-term development of
its capacity, in particular through the provision of advice to central government
Ministries in Baghdad; and
developing a bilateral defence relationship with the Iraqi Government.
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