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9.2  |  23 May 2003 to June 2004
668.  The JIC identified:
“… a growing weight of evidence suggesting that … [Abu Musab] al- Zarqawi, who
has a longstanding relationship with AI, is beginning to play a leading role in co-
ordinating the activities of some mujahedin groups. Indications that AI, al- Zarqawi
and possibly AQ are co-ordinating activity and consolidating their presence
represent a worrying development … We remain unclear as to the capabilities of
these various Islamist extremist groups and cannot link them to specific attacks.
However, reporting shows that they continue to plan and conduct attacks, including
suicide bombings, and could pose an increasing threat to Coalition interests. There
is reporting that Islamist extremists regard the capture of Saddam Hussein as
providing an ideological vacuum that can be exploited in Sunni areas.”
669.  In January, the UK was keen to persuade the UN to become more involved in the
political process, although the UN was initially minded not to engage on the ground until
after the handover to Iraqi sovereignty on 1 July.369
670.  The UK hoped that the UN would decide that direct elections to the Transitional
National Assembly were not possible, and would confirm this to Grand Ayatollah
al-Sistani, which would assist him in withdrawing his objections to the caucus
arrangements.
671.  The UK also hoped that the UN could become involved by at least observing the
caucus elections. UK officials noted that, having sought to exclude the UN, the US now
saw UN involvement in organising the caucus elections and drafting the TAL as a way
out of their problems.
672.  UK officials considered that, given Grand Ayatollah al-Sistani’s resistance, they
needed to have a fall-back position. The US, and UK Ministers, remained wedded to a
transition on 30 June. An alternative to caucus elections, although less legitimate, would
be to use the GC to select TNA members from the Governorates.
673.  A statement issued by the office of Grand Ayatollah al-Sistani on 11 January
said that he had explained to the President of the GC his continued objections to the
15 November process, and their consequences, including:
“… if the provisional national council was formed on the basis of a mechanism
that did not enjoy the necessary legitimacy, it would not be able and neither would
the government emanating from it be able, to carry out their tasks and honour the
timetable set for the transitional period. Consequently, this would create serious
problems and the politicial and security situation would further exacerabate.”370
369  Minute Dodd to Sheinwald, 12 January 2004, ‘Iraq: Strategy Group’.
370  Talmon S. The Occupation of Iraq: Volume II The Official Documents of the Coalition Provisional
Authority and the Iraqi Governing Council. Hart Publishing, 2013.
317
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