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The Report of the Iraq Inquiry
Preparations for and holding of free and fair elections.
A new representative government.”
94.  Mr Brenton was relaying the same view of the political process to the US
Administration.44
95.  The British Embassy Washington reported some optimism that views in the National
Security Council were close to those of the UK, and were gaining traction with President
Bush. But there were some areas of disagreement between the US and UK, in particular
on how the IIA would be formed and the precise role the UN would play. The fact that
they were “not ready, having lost lives to liberate Iraq, to hand control of it over to the
UN” was described as a “US red line”.
96.  Reporting from New York, Sir Jeremy Greenstock described a US vision for an IIA
which would “advise and assist” a Coalition which continued to run Iraq.45
97.  At the Ad Hoc Meeting on Iraq on 3 April, Mr Blair told attendees that the IIA:
“… had to be a genuinely representative body irrespective of how it was brought
into being. He intended to put forward an alternative to the ideas coming out of
Washington at present.”46
98.  On 4 April, Ms Rose sent Mr Llewellyn the letter she had promised on MOD
concerns regarding potential ORHA actions, “with a view to identifying legal issues for
further consideration”.47 She wrote that it was “of paramount importance” to clarify the
legal issues regarding ORHA activity.
99.  Ms Rose explained that the MOD expected that “at the national level” ORHA
would “direct Coalition action throughout Iraq”. Ms Rose identified a need to consider
the UK’s position on that role, and on the relationship between ORHA and “the civil
administrations in the areas of the country for which the UK will be responsible”.
Ms Rose explained that the MOD was discussing use of “the Joint Commission model”
in those areas to enable “effective civil-military crisis co-ordination”.
100.  The letter from Ms Rose listed a number of ORHA’s proposed activities that were
“likely to be illegal”, including:
installing Coalition nominees as “shadow Ministers”;
filling vacated posts in the Iraqi criminal justice system;
appointing a US contractor to run Umm Qasr and opening a customs facility; and
any management or exploration of Iraqi oilfields that went beyond their repair.
44  Telegram 428 Washington to FCO London, 3 April 2003, ‘US/Iraq: Phase IV’; Telegram 448 Washington
to FCO London, 4 April 2003, ‘Iraq: Post-Conflict’.
45  Telegram 614 UKMIS New York to FCO London, 5 April 2003, ‘Iraq: Post-Conflict’.
46  Minutes, 3 April 2003, Ad Hoc Meeting on Iraq.
47  Letter Rose to Llewellyn, 4 April 2003, ‘Iraq: ORHA’.
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