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6.5  |  Planning and preparation for a post-Saddam Hussein Iraq, January to March 2003
If they see Western control becoming quasi-permanent, this too may arouse
opposition, probably encouraged by neighbours like Iran.”634
The failure to plan or prepare for known risks
1429.  The information on Iraq available to the UK Government before the invasion
provided a clear indication of the potential scale of the post-conflict task.
1430.  It showed that, in order to achieve the UK’s desired end state, any
post‑conflict administration would need to:
restore infrastructure that had deteriorated significantly in the decade
since 1991, to the point where it was not capable of meeting the needs of
the Iraqi people;
administer a state where the upper echelons of a regime that had been in
power since 1968 had been abruptly removed and in which the capabilities
of the wider civil administration, many of whose employees were members
of the ruling party, were difficult to assess; and
provide security in a country faced with a number of potential threats,
including:
{{internecine violence;
{{terrorism; and
{{Iranian interference.
1431.  In December 2002, the MOD described the post-conflict phase of operations
as “strategically decisive”.635 But when the invasion began, the UK Government
was not in a position to conclude that satisfactory plans had been drawn up and
preparations made to meet known post-conflict challenges and risks in Iraq and
to mitigate the risk of strategic failure.
1432.  Throughout the planning process, the UK assumed that the US would be
responsible for preparing the post-conflict plan, that post-conflict activity would
be authorised by the UN Security Council, that agreement would be reached on a
significant post-conflict role for the UN and that international partners would step
forward to share the post-conflict burden.
634  Letter Sinclair to Rycroft, 25 February 2003, ‘Iraq: Political and Military Questions’.
635  Paper [SPG], 13 December 2002, ‘UK Military Strategic Thinking on Iraq’.
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