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6.5  |  Planning and preparation for a post-Saddam Hussein Iraq, January to March 2003
175.  Dr Rice was firm: there could be no high-level UN administrator or UN
involvement in running even technical Iraqi ministries.
176.  At the meeting of the trilateral UN working group in Washington on 5 February, the
UK delegation, headed by Mr Pattison, shared preliminary UK thinking on the potential
scope and structure of UN involvement in a transitional civil administration with a US
inter-agency team led by Mr Abrams.91
177.  Mr Pattison reiterated that the UK believed that UN involvement in post-conflict
administration would produce political and practical benefits including:
local support for an international reforming presence;
the potential for burden sharing and “capturing expertise”; and
better prospects for an exit strategy.
178.  The UK understood that the US would seek to maintain freedom of operations on
security, SSR and the pursuit of WMD and war criminals, but the UK believed that it was
possible to devise a “hybrid” structure that would meet UK and US concerns and achieve
a prosperous, stable and representative Iraq. Mr Pattison added that “UN involvement
in an international presence was a top priority for the UK as the Prime Minister had told
Bush”.
179.  The UK presented elements of a draft Security Council resolution, emphasising
that these did not represent an agreed UK position. Key elements included:
a Coalition security presence with a broad security mandate, headed by a
US general;
a civilian transitional administration with a defined reformist mandate and
monitoring function, headed by a UN executive administrator;
a separate political process involving a Special Representative of the
Secretary-General along the lines of the Bonn (Afghanistan) or Dayton
(Bosnia Herzegovina) models;
a consultative mechanism to involve the Iraqi people; and
a Joint Implementation Board (JIB) consisting of representatives of the
international security presence and international civilian presence.
180.  Mr Abrams commented that the UK seemed to envisage a much larger role for
the UN than the US had been considering. The US continued to be cautious about
embracing a more extensive role for the UN and was sceptical about the UN’s ability
to deliver.
91 Telegram 167 Washington to FCO London, 5 February 2003, ‘Iraq: US/UK/Australia talks on
“Day After” Issues’.
341
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