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5  |  Advice on the legal basis for military action, November 2002 to March 2003
491.  Asked by Mr Andrew Mackinley (Labour) how there was going to be “proper
conscious decision-making” about whether Iraq was complying, Mr Straw replied:
“… we make our judgement on the basis of the best evidence. I have to say it
was on the basis of the best evidence that the international community made its
judgement on 8 November. They had hundreds of pages of reports …”200
Sir Jeremy Greenstock’s advice on “end game options”, 4 March 2003
492.  In his advice “on the end game options”, Sir Jeremy Greenstock stated that there
was little chance of bridging the gap with the French – “senior politicians were dug in
too deep”; and that a French veto appeared “more of a danger than failure to get nine
votes”.201
493.  Sir Jeremy identified the options as:
“stay firm … and go with the US military campaign in the second half of March
with the best arguments we can muster if a second resolution … is unobtainable,
we fall back on 1441 and regret that the UN was not up to it …”;
“make some small concessions that might just be enough to get, e.g. Chile
and Mexico on board”. The “most obvious step” might be “ultimatum language”
making military action the default if the Council did not agree that Iraq had come
into compliance with resolution 1441;
“try something on benchmarks, probably building on Blix’s cluster document”.
That “would be better done outside the draft resolution” to “avoid diluting 1441
(and avoid placing too much weight on Blix’s shoulders)”; and
“putting forward a second resolution not authorising force”, although it was clear
that Sir Jeremy envisaged there would be an “eventual use of force”.
494.  Sir Jeremy commented: “In the end, it may be best just to forge ahead on present
lines.”
495.  Mr Ricketts told Mr Straw that he and Sir David Manning had discussed
Sir Jeremy’s advice and believed that the “best package” might comprise:
adding a deadline to the draft resolution requiring “a bit more time”. A US
suggestion “that Iraq should have ‘unconditionally disarmed’ in ten days” would
be “seen as unreasonable”;
a small number of carefully chosen benchmarks “set out separately from the
resolution, ideally by the Chileans and Mexicans … We could then use the
clusters document to illustrate how little compliance there had been across
the board”; and
200 Minutes, 4 March 2003, Foreign Affairs Committee (House of Commons), [Evidence Session], Q 166.
201 Telegram 339 UKMIS New York to FCO London, 4 March 2003, ‘Personal Iraq: End Game Options’.
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