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3.8  |  Development of UK strategy and options, 8 to 20 March 2003
finally, a bit of time. I can keep this going at least until the weekend.”
But:
the UK had not achieved “any kind of breakthrough. The French, Germans
and Russians will undoubtedly home in on the preambular section of the draft
resolution and on the whiff of ultimatum in the side statement”; and
there were “serious questions about the available time”, which the US would
“not help us to satisfy”.
382.  Sir Jeremy concluded that informal consultations would resume the following
afternoon. He did “not think he needed detailed instructions if we continue down this
track for a further day or two, but grateful for comments and telling arguments on where
we have reached so far”.
FRENCH CONCERNS ABOUT THE UK PRESENTATION OF PRESIDENT CHIRAC’S
REMARKS
383.  France registered its concerns about the way in which the UK Government
was describing President Chirac’s comment about a veto.
384.  In addition to his conversation with Mr Rycroft that morning (described earlier in
this Section), Mr Errera called on Mr Ricketts on the evening of 12 March for “a private
talk on where things stood” between the UK and France on Iraq.120
385.  Mr Ricketts reported to Sir John Holmes that Mr Errera had remonstrated “about
how British Ministers had misconstrued President Chirac’s comments”, and that he
[Ricketts] had responded by pointing out the prominence of the quote on the front page
of Le Monde. He and Mr Errera had:
“… agreed fairly quickly that the immediate crisis would play out with France and the
UK on different positions, and that the more productive thing was to look ahead, and
consider what lessons we should learn from recent events …”
386.  Mr Errera had assumed “that the UK would not want to go through again what we
had been put through in recent weeks by the Americans”; “nor would it be so easy for
the UK to claim that our policy of close alliance gave us real traction over US policy”.
387.  Mr Ricketts responded that Iraq had shown up:
“… very starkly a difference of threat perception, with the UK, Spain, Italy and some
others … genuinely believing that the threat of WMD in the hands of a regime like
Iraq, in a world inhabited by the likes of Al Qaida, was a worse prospect than the
risks of military action to deal with it … Ministers were genuinely convinced of the
rightness of the policy, it was not poodleism …”
120  Letter Ricketts to Holmes, 13 March 2003, ‘France and Iraq’.
467
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