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The Report of the Iraq Inquiry
883.  In a discussion on the position of Russia, Secretary Powell said that Mr Ivanov had
stated that there was nothing in it for Russia to vote for the second resolution. It meant
an end to inspections and Iraq’s neighbours were not threatened by Saddam Hussein.
884.  In the context of remarks reported to have been made during a visit to China,
Secretary Powell had asked Mr Ivanov if Russia would veto the second resolution.
Mr Ivanov had responded, “You know me better than that”; he had simply been
explaining that, under the UN Charter, Russia had the right of veto but he had avoided
getting drawn into whether it would be used. Secretary Powell would be urging President
Bush to speak to President Putin.
885.  Mr Straw reported that he had told Secretary Powell that the level of support in
the UK for military action without a second resolution was palpably “very low”. In that
circumstance, even if a majority in the Security Council had voted for the resolution with
only France exercising its veto, he was “increasingly pessimistic about whether we could
carry the Party” to support military action.
886.  Mr Straw added that the debate in the UK was:
“… significantly defined by the tone of the debate in Washington and particularly
remarks made by the President and others to the right of him, which suggested that
the US would go to war whatever and was not bothered about a second resolution
one way or another.”
887.  Mr Straw had proposed consideration of additional language in the second
resolution “pledging immunity to Saddam and entourage if he were to leave Iraq by a
specific date”. Secretary Powell had declined, commenting that he did not think Saddam
Hussein would agree.
888.  Mr Straw sought Mr Blair’s agreement to adding an ultimatum to the draft
resolution.275
889.  Mr Straw wrote: “Things may be moving towards a majority but I will not believe
it until it happens”, There were concerns that the draft resolution looked like a “fait
accompli” and a “blank cheque for war”. Key potential allies “needed a better reason” for
supporting the resolution.
890.  Mr Straw’s view was that the language in the resolution on performance targets
and deadlines would not be acceptable “to either US or UK for obvious reasons”, but he
had “two thoughts”:
an offer, subject to legal advice, of safety and immunity if Saddam Hussein
would go into exile; and
returning to the earlier idea of setting out publicly some key benchmarks against
which Iraq’s “full and active” compliance could be judged.
275  Minute Straw to Prime Minister, 3 March 2003, ‘Iraq: Second Resolution’.
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