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The Report of the Iraq Inquiry
748.  Mexico had raised questions about the legal effect of the UK draft and whether it
signalled that peaceful means had been exhausted and whether a third Council decision
would be needed for the use of force.
749.  Sir Jeremy suggested that “consistent with being legally accurate”, the “most
persuasive answers” might be along the lines that:
the resolution itself asked the Council to conclude that Iraq had failed to take
its final opportunity to comply. This was something on which, given Iraq’s pattern
of non co-operation, the Council should be able to unite;
the consequence of that judgement, deriving from 1441 and previous
resolutions, was that force would be authorised;
this did not mean that the resolution would lead to the use of force or that
peaceful means were exhausted. Rather, with a clear Council decision … there
was still a chance of last minute radical moves by the Iraqis. We recognised that
the probability of Iraq taking that chance … was low, but it was perhaps the only
route by which we could secure disarmament and a peaceful outcome.”
750.  Sir Jeremy also reported that Mr Lavrov had suggested the inspectors had said
that there were no false statements and Iraq’s submission of 30 documents might have
rectified the omissions in the declaration.
751.  Sir Jeremy emphasised the importance of the Council meeting on 27 February
and asked for “additional detailed punchy arguments” he could deploy.
752.  Reporting discussions in New York on 26 February, Sir Jeremy Greenstock wrote:
There remained “a general antipathy to having now to take decisions on
this issue, and a wariness about what our underlying motives are behind
the resolution”.
The German position was that the process of inspections had not been
exhausted; the work programme and key tasks envisaged in resolution 1284,
which had not been revoked, had not begun; it had good reason to suspect that
that Iraq had WMD, but there was no proof and it could turn out that Saddam
Hussein was telling the truth.
The US position was that resolution 1441 had found Iraq in material breach
and partial compliance would not do. Continued inspections was, in effect,
an argument for containment; and “Business as usual” would not produce the
radical Iraqi transformation needed. The US was willing to ensure disarmament
by itself if necessary and the Council had to factor that into its decisions.226
753.  Sir Jeremy reported that he had argued that the UK had not given up on a peaceful
outcome. The second resolution would maximise pressure on Saddam Hussein and
226  Telegram 314 UKMIS New York to FCO London, 27 February 2003, ‘Iraq: 26 February’.
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