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The Report of the Iraq Inquiry
695.  On Iraq, President Putin’s view was that the purpose of the military build up was
to put pressure on Iraq, not a preparation for war. Russia was doing the same through
diplomatic means and had managed to ensure that the Iraqis gave permission for
scientists to go abroad to be interviewed and searches of private homes. UNMOVIC and
the IAEA had some questions, but they were procedural, there were no complaints that
Iraq was interfering with the inspections. The inspectors should be allowed to continue
their work. He trusted the inspectors and they should be given more time.
696.  Mr Blair agreed that the inspectors should have time to do their job, but it
was “crucial” that it “did not become a game of hide and seek”. Iraq had to help the
inspectors; Saddam Hussein was obliged to give them positive co‑operation, not just
access. He would discuss the issues with President Bush and then speak to President
Putin again.
697.  President Putin emphasised that it was a very important conversation and
concluded that Saddam Hussein should comply with all his obligations and the
inspectors’ requests; he must accommodate our demands. Moscow was not interested
in covering for Iraq if it had weapons or was seeking to acquire them. If Iraq had any
weapons, they must destroy them and comply with the inspectors.
698.  Mr Campbell wrote that the call was “encouraging”; President Putin was “really
losing patience with Saddam”.241
699.  In an interview before the reports to the Security Council on 27 January, Mr Igor
Ivanov, the Russian Foreign Minister, told Al Jazeera that he strongly doubted
that the Council would authorise military action against Iraq: “the chances … are
practically nil”.242
Security Council, 27 January 2003
700.  Dr Blix reported to the Security Council on 27 January that Iraq appeared
to have decided in principle to co‑operate on process, but an Iraqi decision to
co‑operate on substance would be “indispensible” for the inspectors to complete
their tasks.
701.  Iraq’s declaration of 7 December did not provide new evidence which would
eliminate or reduce the unresolved issues identified in 1999.
241  Campbell A & Hagerty B. The Alastair Campbell Diaries. Volume 4. The Burden of Power:
Countdown to Iraq. Hutchinson, 2012.
242  Telegram 28 Moscow to FCO London, 28 January 2003, ‘Russia/Iraq: Russian Response
to UNSC Reports’.
124
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