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The Report of the Iraq Inquiry
259.  The US and UK began to circulate elements of the draft resolution, which became
resolution 1441, to fellow Security Council members on 25 September.87
260.  Following visits to Paris and Moscow by Mr Ricketts88 and a conversation
between Sir David Manning and Mr Jean‑Marc de La Sablière, Diplomatic Adviser
to President Chirac,89 it became clear that France and Russia had serious concerns
about the key elements of the draft resolution proposed by the US and UK.
261.  A perception that the draft text of OP10 implied automaticity for the use of force
was one area of difficulty. As a result, both Sir Jeremy Greenstock and Mr Ricketts
began to consider how the UK should react if, as they had predicted, it proved
impossible to secure agreement to “all necessary means” in a first resolution.90
262.  Sir Jeremy advised that there was “a case for not showing too deep a concern
about the need to come back to the Council for a decision”. In his view, the “primary
objective of a first resolution” was to “establish unequivocal powers for the inspectors
and hurdles for Iraq”.
263.  Sir Jeremy wrote that the US and UK should not “walk away” if the first stage
failed; that would “almost certainly lead to a critical resolution which we would have
to veto”. Instead they should “bear with it to a second stage” when:
“… the chance of persuading the Council to come with us will remain open; and if
they eventually do not, we will be seen to have tried harder, our political case … will
look more objective, and we shall be less likely … to confront a critical resolution.”
264.  Sir Jeremy also advised:
“There will, of course, be differing views about what constitutes an Iraqi sin of
sufficient gravity to trigger a second resolution authorising force.”
265.  Mr Ricketts reported that he had told a US colleague that the UK remained
“absolutely firm on the need for an ‘all necessary means’ authorisation” but it looked
as though “we might well not win the argument”.91 While the shared negotiating priority
was to take a “hard position” on that point to “line up support for the toughest possible
inspection regime”, there was a recognition that “we would have to find a middle way
between our present position and an explicit two resolution approach”. They had agreed
work was needed on a formula which would achieve that.
87 House of Commons, Official Report, 7 November 2002, column 431.
88 Telegram 555 Paris to FCO London, 26 September 2002, ‘Iraq: UNSC Resolution’; Telegram 341
Moscow to FCO London, 29 September 2002, ‘Iraq: UNSC Resolution’.
89 Letter Manning to McDonald, 26 September 2002, ‘Iraq: Contacts with the French’.
90 Telegram 1861 UKMIS New York to FCO London, 27 September 2002, ‘Iraq: Security Council
Resolution’.
91 Minute Ricketts to Private Secretary [FCO], 30 September 2002, ‘Iraq: Security Council Resolution’.
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