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3.1  |  Development of UK strategy and options, 9/11 to early January 2002
strikes). But such action would carry significant downsides in terms of alienating
world opinion.”
157.  The FCO concluded:
“The US is in no mood to co-operate with Iraq. A likely option is to make specific
demands backed up by threats of tougher action in the event of non-compliance.
Whether this includes military action will depend on US judgements about the
balance of advantage between the domestic pressures and the international
ramifications of such actions.”
158.  Sir Jeremy Greenstock, UK Permanent Representative to the UN in New York,
wrote to Sir David Manning on 29 October warning that the UK’s draft resolution
adapting the sanctions regime “looks unachievable this autumn, largely because of
Russian obduracy and US unwillingness to exert sufficient pressure to move them”.89
159.  Sir Jeremy added:
“… there remains an urgent need for us to sort out a coherent strategy with the
Americans, and at a level which binds in the whole Administration and not just the
State Department. Our conversations with them recently … have not managed this.
The WMD danger is too great to ignore. A vacuum not just in the Security Council,
but also in our collective policy is looming. Most dangerously, the volume of talk …
about the military option looks from here to risk real damage to our wider interests
in the Middle East and our campaign against terrorism.
“In New York, there is widespread scepticism of the US/UK approach … The policy
is seen not only as a failure, but also the foremost example of the double standards
… in the Middle East. This corrodes support directly for sanctions … but also
insidiously for our broader objectives on Afghanistan and terrorism. In the longer run,
the failure of the Council to secure Iraqi compliance with the resolutions undermines
its credibility more generally.
“We therefore need to think hard about a clear long-term strategy … to fill this
vacuum (and to prevent the militarists doing so).”
160.  Sir Jeremy set out the main elements for such a strategy, including:
Drawing in the Russians on controlling Iraq’s WMD and Saddam Hussein more
generally.
Exploring the possibility of restoring P5 unity, which would require thinking about
the clarification of resolution 1284 (1999).
Working out whether UNMOVIC had any genuine political value. The Americans
did “not want a repeat of the UNSCOM problem, with Saddam calling the shots”.
89  Letter Greenstock to Manning, 29 October 2001, ‘Iraq: Cabinet Office Meeting, 30 October’.
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