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1.1  |  UK Iraq strategy 1990 to 2000
diplomacy firmly backed by the willingness to use force if diplomacy should fail”, and
no one could “seriously imagine” the same result without that.
473.  Sir John said that there were two important messages in the resolution:
Iraq was obliged to provide access at all sites, “not just in the eight so-called
Presidential sites which have up to now been the pretext for so much delay and
obstruction”.
The Iraqi regime had a choice. If it fulfilled its commitments, the way would
“be open for the lifting of sanctions”; but if it failed to comply, that would “not
be tolerated”. The Council was “determined that any violation will result in the
severest consequences”.
474.  Sir John concluded that, if Iraq doubted the will of the international community,
it would:
“… not for the first time, be making a grave mistake.
“There is a great need at such moments to face up with courage and intellectual
honesty to unpalatable truths. Regional security, the future of non-proliferation
under international auspices, and the authority of the United Nations and its
Secretary-General are all involved, and are all at stake, in our collective efforts
to get the case of Iraq right.”
475.  Welcoming Mr Annan’s success and the text of the draft resolution, Mr Fernando
Berrocal Soto, Costa Rican Permanent Representative to the UN, emphasised the “key
concept of international legality and the primacy of the provisions of the Charter over
any political considerations”. Bringing the MOU agreed on 23 February into the legal
framework authorised by Chapter VII left “no political or legal doubt whatsoever about
the seriousness and gravity of this warning by the Security Council”. The “prerogatives
and legal competences” were “exclusively of the Security Council” and could not be
delegated.
476.  Mr Celso Amorim, Brazilian Permanent Representative to the UN, referred
to the strain the crisis had placed on a multilateral system “still learning to cope
with the challenges of the post-cold-war era” and the Security Council’s wisdom in
encouraging the Secretary-General to “undertake a personal mission”. Mr Annan had
“succeeded in a mission that sceptics had considered doomed from the start”; and his
“determination … to keep this matter under his close personal supervision … provides
the Security Council with a fair chance to put the problem of the relations between Iraq
and the United Nations on a more stable foundation”.
477.  Mr Amorim also pointed out that, in resolution 687, the Security Council had
decided “to take such further steps as may be required for the implementation of the
present resolution”, rather than the “ritual formula” of deciding to “remain seized of the
matter”. As a result, he concluded that:
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