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9.4  |  June 2005 to May 2006
516.  At DOP(I) on 12 January, Mr Straw said that “the key issue was how we
encouraged the creation of a credible, sustainable government of national unity
in Iraq”.244
517.  During his recent visit, Shia contacts had told him that they were finding it
“increasingly difficult to restrain their community in the face of Sunni insurgent activity”
and felt the UK and the coalition were showing too much partiality to the Sunnis.
518.  In discussion, (unidentified) attendees made the points that:
“The longer the political vacuum continued, the greater the risk of losing momentum
and of seeing a further deterioration in security. However, it was essential to get the
new Iraqi government right and this might result in delay.
“We should continue to emphasise to the Shia that the Sunnis must participate in the
next government as of right, on the basis of the results of the elections.”
519.  On 15 January, Lt Gen Houghton reported that Gen Casey had returned from
Washington with “political cover” for two key issues: that transition would be the central
focus of the Campaign Plan during 2006 and that there would be no political demand for
troop reductions beyond what Gen Casey was content with.245
520.  Lt Gen Houghton wrote that:
“The emphasis on transition has had the effect of bringing some of the practicalities
and difficulties into sharp focus. From the perspective of MND(SE) there are a
number of local challenges: the Japanese, PRTs, logistic practicalities and US
concerns regarding the Iranian border. I judge that all of these can be finessed …
The major threat to UK aspirations for transition is one of timing and derives from
the desire for the Iraqi government to be the authority for making the decisions on
provincial transfer. It is in this context that the early seating of the next government is
important … for every week beyond the end of February that the government fails to
form, a further week must be added to the anticipated timing of transfer …
“What we must avoid doing at all costs, I judge, is to do our own thing (unilaterally)
regardless of the niceties of the internal Iraqi process. I say this for two primary
reasons:
a. First the UK is acknowledged to be the USA’s primary strategic partner in
Iraq, with a proportionate political and military investment. To break company
with the US on the process of transition would be to risk undermining that
strategic partnership …
244  Minutes, 12 January 2006, DOP(I) meeting.
245  Minute Houghton to CDS, 15 January 2006, ‘SBMR-I Weekly Report (195) 15 January 06’.
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