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9.1  |  March to 22 May 2003
Mr Hilary Benn, Minister for International Development from May to October 2003,
commented that more should have been done to understand the difference between
“ideological Ba’athists” and those who had “joined the Ba’ath Party because that’s what
you needed to do to get on”.237
Sir Suma Chakrabarti told the Inquiry that the de-Ba’athification decision was
“madness”.238
Sir Kevin Tebbit, MOD Permanent Under Secretary from 1998 to November 2005, told the
Inquiry that:
“We didn’t assume that the Americans were going to de-Ba’athify as fundamentally
as they did …
“I thought we had an undertaking from the American administration that they were
just going to do very light de-Ba’athification … and that the army … other than the
very top, would be used and brought into the system.”239
Sir Jeremy Greenstock, who served as the Prime Minister’s Special Representative
on Iraq from September 2003 to March 2004, told the Inquiry that there were strong
arguments in favour of the de-Ba’athification policy; the error was in implementing them
before arrangements had been thought through for replacing the individuals who were
removed and, later, in handing over responsibility for implementing the administration
of the scheme to Dr Ahmed Chalabi and his Commission.240
The view of Maj Gen Cross was that the decision to de-Ba’athify was “flawed”.241
SIS1 told the Inquiry that Ambassador Bremer had been acting under political direction
on de‑Ba’athification policy but:
“Initially you’re talking about decapitating the regime and leaving the structures in
place. He went a lot further, and frankly, to this day, I don’t really know why.”242
Mr Edward Chaplin, British Ambassador to Iraq from July 2004 to May 2005, observed
that:
“… it is easy to underestimate with hindsight how powerful the feelings were amongst
those who had suffered most from Saddam Hussein’s regime, that the idea that
anybody who had served really at any level of responsibility in the organisation that
served Saddam Hussein was acceptable in a post-Saddam Hussein situation was
simply anathema and I think, if you talk to the military commanders in the South,
you will find that we suffered from that ourselves – somebody who appeared to be,
actually perfectly competent … was simply not acceptable to the local population
because he was too closely identified with the previous regime. So de-Ba’athification
was driven largely by the forces that were now in charge, or potentially in charge; it
wasn’t just a decision by outsiders.”243
237  Public hearing, 2 February 2010, page 18.
238  Public hearing, 22 January 2010, page 46.
239  Private hearing, 6 May 2010, pages 33-34.
240  Public hearing, 15 December 2009, pages 73-74.
241  Public hearing, 7 December 2009, page 67.
242  Private hearing, 2010, page 95.
243  Public hearing, 1 December 2009, pages 101-102.
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