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The Report of the Iraq Inquiry
He genuinely believed “that those stockpiles of weapons were there; I think
that most people did, and that is why the whole of the international community
came together and passed the United Nations resolution it did [1441 adopted in
November 2002], but that is a very different thing from saying that Saddam was
not a threat; the truth is he was a threat, to the region and to the wider world,
and the world is a safer place without him.”
He “would not accept” that Saddam Hussein “was not a threat and a threat in
WMD terms”.
He did “not believe we would have got the progress on Libya, on AQ Khan, on
Iran and on North Korea” without Iraq.
In his view, “the reason … it was important that we took a stand on the WMD
issue, and the place … to take that stand was Iraq because of the history of
breaches of UN resolutions and the fact that they used WMD … is that if you
carry on with this proliferation of WMD with these highly repressive states
developing it … at some point you would have this new form of global terrorism
and those states with WMD coming together.”
The Senate Intelligence Committee Report, 9 July 2004
822.  On 9 July, the Senate Committee on Intelligence published its report on the
U.S. Intelligence Community’s Prewar Intelligence Assessments on Iraq.459 The main
conclusions included:
Most of the key judgements in the October 2002 US National Intelligence
Estimate (NIE), ‘Iraq’s Continuing Programs for Weapons of Mass Destruction’,
either overstated, or were not supported by, the underlying intelligence
reporting. A series of failures, particularly in analytic tradecraft, led to the
mischaracterisation of the intelligence.
The intelligence community did not accurately or adequately explain to policy-
makers the uncertainties behind the judgements in the October 2002 NIE.
The intelligence community suffered from a collective presumption that Iraq
had an active and growing WMD programme. This “group think” led intelligence
community analysts, collectors and managers both to interpret ambiguous
evidence as conclusively indicative of a WMD programme and to ignore or
minimise evidence that Iraq did not have active and expanding weapons of
mass destruction programmes. This presumption was so strong that formal
mechanisms established to challenge assumptions and group think were
not used.
459  Select Committee on Intelligence, 9 July 2004, Report of the Select Committee on Intelligence on the
U.S. Intelligence Community’s Prewar Intelligence Assessments on Iraq.
584
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