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The Report of the Iraq Inquiry
So he had strategic intent and capability on WMD; and an active programme on
ballistic missiles.
“Such an explanation would mean that some of the intelligence upon which we acted
was wrong; but that nonetheless the threat was there, as was the breach of UN
resolutions. It would also explain why the picture was so confused and why, whilst
the exact basis of action was not as we thought, the action was still justified.”
811.  Mr Blair’s “hunch” was that the Butler Review would reach similar conclusions.
Both Lord Butler and the Senate Intelligence Committee were “bound to be critical …
in certain respects”. But the US and UK had “to avoid the absurd notion that therefore
there was no threat at all, as if 12 years of history and UN resolutions never existed”.
812.  Mr Blair suggested that, if Mr Duelfer were thinking along those lines, it made
sense urgently to investigate the possibility of publishing the ISG report at the same
time as the Senate and Butler Reports. That would “provide the clear evidential basis for
saying there was indeed a threat, even if it was not the threat that had been anticipated”.
813.  Mr Blair added:
“It may be impossible but if at all possible we should have this issue dealt with and
lanced all at the same time.”
814.  During a video conference with President Bush on 22 June, Mr Blair said that
Mr Duelfer seemed to be planning to publish in August. That was up to him, but with
other WMD reports due to be published earlier, it might make sense to bring the
date forward.454
815.  Reporting on a meeting in London on 2 July, Mr Landsman wrote that Mr Duelfer
had been insistent that there was still plenty for ISG to do and that he had “repeatedly
mentioned CW/terrorism”.455
816.  Mr Duelfer was reported to have said:
The timing for his next report “could slip a little”.
There was “potentially a good story to tell on the Saddam regime strategic
intent”, but he was “unhappy about the quality of the drafting produced in
the ISG”.
He “wanted to use his report to challenge assumptions”.
Saddam Hussein’s regime was “highly arbitrary and personalised: we should not
expect to find carefully set out plans and consultation exercises”.
He “hoped to be able to point to a ‘sharp breakout capability’”.
454  Letter Quarrey to Owen, 22 June 2004, ‘Prime Minister’s VTC with Bush, 22 June: Iraq’.
455  Minute Landsman to FCO [junior official], 5 July 2004, ‘Iraq WMD: Meeting with Duelfer, 2 Jul’.
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