3.7 |
Development of UK strategy and options, 1 February to 7 March
2003
“Worse,
this delay would send Saddam the clearest possible signal that his
strategy
is
succeeding. It would tell him that the international community
lacked the will
to disarm
him, and it would tell all those who threaten our security that
Saddam
Hussein has
broken the United Nations as an instrument for defending
peace
through the
force of international law.”
788.
Mr Straw
argued against persisting with a policy of containment. That was
“not the
policy of
disarmament as set out in resolution 1441 or any of the preceding
resolutions”.
There could
be “no stable, steady state for Iraq unless it is properly
disarmed”. Nor could
there be
stability for the region and the international community: “What may
appear
to be
containment to others is rearmament for Saddam.” “Far from keeping
a lid on
Saddam’s
ambitions”, the policy of containment between 1998 and 2002 had
“allowed
him to
rebuild his horrific arsenal, his chemical and biological weapons,
and the means
of
delivering them”. Mr Straw cited Iraq’s refurbishment of
prohibited equipment and the
building of
a missile test stand as proof of that activity. Containment
required “a degree
of trust in
Saddam that we cannot risk and which runs contrary to all the
evidence”.
789.
In relation to
questions about double standards, especially in relation to
Israel
and
Palestine, Mr Straw said that he and Mr Blair accepted
that there had been a
“considerable
amount to that charge” but the way to deal with that was “not by
ignoring
outstanding
UN obligations, but by working even harder to see all of them
implemented”.
The UK was
“working actively to implement” UN policy on Israel/Palestine
“including the
early
publication of the Road Map”.
“International
terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction are
the
crucial
strategic questions of our time. Our answer to the threats will
determine the
stability
of the world for decades to come. This is an awesome
responsibility. It calls
for
courageous leadership and it requires a vision and foresight to act
decisively
and, if
necessary, with military force.”
791.
Mr Straw
concluded that a “moment of choice” had been reached for
Saddam
Hussein and
for the Iraqi regime, and for the United Nations. The:
“… issue of
what we do about tyrannical states with poison gases, nerve
agents,
viruses and
nuclear ambitions, and which defy international law and the
principles
of the UN,
will not go away. We have to face the issue. We have to give
Saddam
Hussein a
categorical choice, and after 12 long years he has to give us
his
answer now.”
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