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3.3  |  Development of UK strategy and options, April to July 2002
The clear prospect of a major attack would put the regime under unprecedented
pressure. But regime cohesion is unlikely to collapse in the absence of a large scale
invasion.
Saddam relies on a mixture of patronage and extreme fear to retain power and
contain opposition. Real loyalty and support for his regime is confined to the top
of the hierarchy.
The Special Republican Guard (SRG) and the Republican Guard Forces Command
(RGFC) are more reliable than the Regular Army (RA). All would initially fight a
US‑led attack. Once the regime was perceived as doomed the military’s will to fight
on would be sorely tested.
Regime disintegration would be most likely if Iraqi ground forces were being
comprehensively defeated; if top military officers could be persuaded that their fate
was not irrevocably tied to that of Saddam; or if Saddam himself were to be killed.
Military units are more likely to suffer mass desertions than revolt as coherent units.”
169.  The Assessment also stated:
“Saddam and his regime have proved durable …
“The Iraqi military are aware of their vulnerability to air power, probably their greatest
weakness; their main way of mitigating this is through dispersal, including into
urban areas […] We have only fragmentary intelligence indicating how the regime
might deal with an all-out attack including ground forces. But we assess that only
massive military force could be guaranteed to topple Saddam.”
170.  Addressing the policy implications of the Assessment, the JIC stated: “Saddam
and his regime must be convinced that any move to topple him is serious and likely
to succeed before they begin to feel the pressure.”
The Treasury’s concerns
171.  Mr Hoon’s proposal prompted Mr William Nye, Head of the Treasury Defence,
Diplomacy and Intelligence Team, to advise Mr Brown that he should write to the MOD
proposing that all options for UK participation in military operations (including smaller
and more specialised options) should be costed.77 This would enable the Government
to assess how much it wished to devote to securing a degree of influence over US policy
and operations, in terms of risk to UK troops, the opportunity cost of withdrawing from
other operations, and the financial cost.
172.  Treasury officials estimated the total military costs of the operation as US$70bn;
and that UK participation on a large scale could cost £2bn or more in the financial year
2002/03.
77  Minute Nye to Bowman, 5 July 2002, ‘Iraq’.
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