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3.2  |  Development of UK strategy and options, January to April 2002 – “axis of evil” to Crawford
462.  Mr Ricketts sent a personal minute advising Mr Straw that:
“By sharing Bush’s broad objective, the Prime Minister can help shape how it is
defined and the approach to achieving it. In the process he can bring home … some
of the realities which will be less evident from Washington. He can help Bush make
good decisions by telling him things his own machine probably isn’t.”164
463.  Mr Ricketts added that “broad support for the objective” brought “two real problems
which need discussing”. The first was the threat from Iraq on which Mr Ricketts wrote,
“The truth is that what has changed is not the pace of Saddam Hussein’s WMD
programmes, but our tolerance of them” after 9/11.
464.  Mr Ricketts advised:
“This is not something we need to be defensive about, but attempts to claim
otherwise publicly will increase scepticism about our case …
“US scrambling to establish a link between Iraq and Al Qaida is so far frankly
unconvincing. To get public and Parliamentary support for military operations we
have to be convincing that:
the threat is so serious/imminent that it is worth sending our troops to die for;
it is qualitatively different from the threat posed by other proliferators who are
closer to achieving nuclear capability (including Iran).
“We can make the case on qualitative difference (only Iraq has attacked a
neighbour, used CW and fired missiles against Israel). But the overall strategy needs
to include re-doubled efforts to tackle other proliferators … in other ways … But we
are still left with a problem of bringing public opinion to accept the imminence of a
threat from Iraq. This is something the Prime Minister and President need to have
a frank discussion about.”
465.  The second problem was the need to define an “end state” for any military action.
Mr Ricketts advised:
“Military operations need clear and compelling military objectives … For Iraq,
‘regime change’ does not stack up. It sounds like a grudge match between Bush
and Saddam. Much better, as you have suggested, to make the objective ending
the threat to the international community from Iraqi WMD before Saddam uses it
or gives it to terrorists. That is … easier to justify in terms of international law, but
also more demanding. Regime change which produced another Sunni general still
in charge of an active Iraqi WMD programme would be a bad outcome (not least
because it would be almost impossible to maintain UN sanctions on a new leader
who came in promising a fresh start).”
164  Minute Ricketts to Secretary of State [FCO], 22 March 2002, ‘Iraq: Advice for the Prime Minister’.
469
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