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1.2  |  Development of UK strategy and options, September 2000 to September 2001
Iraq’s neighbours would bring an end to illegal oil exports and give practical support
to enforce the revised controls. UN control of oil revenues would be retained.
SCR 1284 would remain on the table with modest incentives for Iraqi compliance.
Meanwhile, UNMOVIC would retain a role outside Iraq.
“The NFZs would continue with patrolling patterns that minimise risk and possibly
a smaller area of coverage … We will work for fundamental change in Iraq, and will
issue a ‘Contract with the Iraqi People’. A renewed effort would be made to secure
regional acceptance of this framework.”
233.  The paper did not repeat the advice in the 15 February version of the paper that
departments did not agree on whether UNMOVIC’s entry into Iraq would be desirable
or undesirable but advised that, if Iraq complied with resolution 1284, UNMOVIC would
operate inside Iraq.
234.  The paper set out the “New arrangements to be introduced straight away”,
including:
“Replace sanctions with controls … to focus on military and dual-use goods, as
listed in a revised Controlled Goods List”;
improved border monitoring; and
Iraqi oil revenues to remain under UN control and illegal trade to be brought
within the scheme.
235.  Those arrangements would require a new resolution.
236.  On “regime change”, the paper stated:
“The US and UK would re-make the case against Saddam Hussein. We would issue
a Contract with the Iraqi People, setting out our goal of a peaceful law-abiding Iraq,
fully reintegrated into the international community, with its people free to live in a
society based on the rule of law, respect for human rights and economic freedom,
and without threat of repression, torture and arbitrary arrest. The Contract would
make clear that the Iraqi regime’s record and behaviour made it impossible for Iraq
to meet the criteria for rejoining the international community without fundamental
change …”
237.  On “military measures”, the paper stated:
“(i) We would be prepared to reduce the territory covered by the NFZs, e.g. by
restricting the Northern NFZ to the Kurdish controlled areas and removing low
priority areas from the Southern NFZ;
(ii) Red lines would be set out and if Iraq were in material breach of them,
e.g. by reconstituting its military capacity to threaten its neighbours, or developing its
WMD/missile capabilities, it would be clear that we would take direct action, at a time
of our choosing, once the necessary regional support and legal base were in place.”
237
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