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4.4  |  The search for WMD
definitive conclusions on some of the issues; further notes the recent concerns
raised over intelligence material; and calls on the Government to set up a judicial
inquiry finally to establish the facts of the matter.”196
397.  In the debate that followed, Mr Ancram stated:
“The Prime Minister and the Government have an overriding duty to be scrupulous
and consistent in the way that they provide intelligence material to Parliament. Over
these last months that has clearly not been the case. Two key areas exist … the
status of the evidence on weapons of mass destruction, and … the way in which the
Government have handled and made public the material.
“For example, there was a claim about uranium from Niger going to Iraq. The claim
was stated as a fact in the September dossier but was subsequently shown to have
been partially based on forged documents. There was no explanation of who forged
them and why. There is no mention of CIA concerns in the Government’s response.
We now have a belated explanation that there were other sources of intelligence
that apparently cannot be disclosed. Even more unusually we are told such sources
cannot be shared with the United States.
“Some will ask whether the dodgy dossier really matters. The fact that the Prime
Minister misrepresented its provenance goes to the heart of the trust that Parliament
can put in what he tells it is, or is not, intelligence …
“The erosion of public confidence is gathering pace and beginning to damage the
national interest …
“There is an urgent unanswerable case for the Government to set up an
independent judicial inquiry …”197
398.  Mr Straw tabled the Government’s amendment.198 He stated that an independent
judicial inquiry, whether set up under the Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Act 1921 or
not, “can be frustrating for the public because of the duration and the costs involved”.
It was also quite wrong to assume that such inquiries “automatically bring such issues
to a close”.
399.  Mr Straw concluded:
“A vote for the Opposition’s motion would be a vote of no confidence in the
Intelligence and Security Committee … It would also be a vote of no confidence in
196  House of Commons, Official Report, 16 July 2003, column 287.
197  House of Commons, Official Report, 16 July 2003, columns 288-293.
198  House of Commons, Official Report, 16 July 2003, column 296.
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